Finland under Paralympiske sommerleker 1996

Finland deltok med 65 utøvere under Paralympiske sommerleker 1996 i Atlanta, USA. Troppen tok 13 medaljer og kom på 30.-plass på medaljestatistikk.

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Argentina • Bermuda • Brasil • Canada • Chile • Colombia • Cuba • Den dominikanske republikk • Ecuador • Honduras • Jamaica • Mexico • Panama • Peru • Puerto Rico • Uruguay • USA • Venezuela

Afghanistan • Bahrain • De forente arabiske emirater • Hongkong • India • Indonesia • Iran • Irak • Japan • Jordan • Kasakhstan • Kina • Kinesisk Taipei • Kirgisistan • Kuwait • Macao • Malaysia • Oman • Pakistan • Qatar • Saudi-Arabia • Singapore • Sør-Korea • Sri Lanka • Syria • Thailand

Armenia • Aserbajdsjan • Belgia • Bosnia-Hercegovina • Bulgaria • Danmark • Estland • Finland • Frankrike • Færøyene • Hellas • Hviterussland • Ireland • Iceland • Israel • Italia • Jugoslavia • Kroatia • Kypros • Latvia • Litauen • Luxembourg • Makedonia • Moldova • Nederland • Norge • Polen • Portugal • Romania • Russland • Slovakia • Slovenia • Spania • Storbritannia • Sverige • Sveits • Tsjekkia • Tyskland • Ukraina • Ungarn • Østerrike

Australia • Fiji • New Zealand

1960 · 1964 · 1968 · 1972 · 1976 · 1980 · 1984 · 1988 · 1992 · 1996 · 2000 · 2004 · 2008 · 2012 · 2016

1976 · 1980 · 1984 · 1988 · 1992 · 1994 · 1998 · 2002 · 2006 · 2010 · 2014 · 2018

Star Riders

Star Riders (ISBN 2-921573-10-5) is a comedy science fiction role-playing game designed by Hans Guévin and published by Ianus Games in 1993. Star Riders uses the game system developed for Teenagers from Outer Space to parody the genre of space opera.

Star Riders takes place in and near the Dodourunrun Conundrum Empire, an interstellar nation that attempted to simplify space travel by moving the stars of the Known Universe into a more convenient pattern. In doing so, the Empire misplaced the planet Earth, causing great distress among the many young adults (human and alien) who considered Earth the „coolest place in the Known Universe.“ Player characters in the game are „star riders“ who travel the universe attempting to locate the lost Earth.

No supplements or accessories were published for Star Riders. An advertisement in the game book stated that a Star Riders comic book series would debut in May 1994, but the only Star Riders comic published was a three-part serial that appeared in the anthology series Dark Horse Presents.

Blauer Kongosalmler

Blauer Kongosalmler (Phenacogrammus interruptus)

Der Blaue Kongosalmler (Phenacogrammus interruptus, Syn.: Alestopetersius interruptus, Hemigrammalestes interruptus, Micralestes interruptus, Petersius codalus) ist ein Süßwasserfisch aus der Familie der Afrikanischen Salmler (Alestidae). Er lebt im mittleren Kongobecken in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo, sein typischer Lebensraum sind Regenwaldflüsse.

Der Blaue Kongosalmler erreicht eine Körperlänge von bis zu 12 Zentimetern und kann maximal acht bis zehn Jahre alt werden. Bei geschlechtsreifen Männchen sind die mittleren Flossenstrahlen der Schwanzflosse verlängert.

Der blaue Kongosalmler ist ein Schwarmfisch. Er lebt benthopelagisch und bei einer durchschnittlichen Wassertemperatur von 23–26 Grad Celsius. Er ernährt sich von Würmern, kleinen Insekten und Krustazeen sowie Wasserpflanzen.

Aufgrund der Farbenpracht der Männchen (die Weibchen bleiben unscheinbar) und seiner Anpassungsfähigkeit zählt der Blaue Kongosalmler zu den häufig gepflegten Aquarienfischen.

The Best of The Doors (2000)

The Best of The Doors er et samlealbum av det amerikanske rockebandet The Doors, utgitt i november 2000. Albumet ble utgitt både som enkel og dobbel-CD. Dette samlealbumet er ikke identisk med The Best of The Doors, utgitt i 1985.

Sangene «Break On Through (To the Other Side)» og «The End» er inkludert i usensurerte versjoner. «No Me Moleste Mosquito» på dobbelt-CD-en er tidligere gitt ut på Full Circle under tittelen «The Mosquito».

The DoorsStrange DaysWaiting for the SunThe Soft ParadeMorrison HotelL.A. WomanOther VoicesFull CircleAn American Prayer

Absolutely LiveAlive, She CriedLive at the Hollywood BowlIn Concert

Weird Scenes Inside the Gold MineGreatest HitsThe Best of The Doors (1985)The Doors (filmmusikk)
The Best of The Doors (2000)The Very Best of The Doors (2001)The Very Best of The Doors (2007)

Paul A. Rothchild • Bruce Botnick

Москва-Ленинград (альбом)

1995 (часть записей)

1980

Рок

43:42

СССР СССР

Русский

„За́пись во Всесою́зной сту́дии грамза́писи «Мело́дия» — музыкальный альбом рок-группы «Машина времени», скомпилированный Андреем Тропилло без участия группы и выпущенный в 1981 г. под неофициальным названием «Москва-Ленинград».

В 1979—1980 гг. группа «Машина времени» осуществила ряд записей в учебной речевой студии ГИТИС, московском и ленинградском отделениях Всесоюзной студии грамзаписи «Мелодия». Совокупно было записано 24 трека, часть из которых — в двух вариантах. Позже эти записи издавались на „пиратских“ сборниках „Охотники за удачей“ (1981) и „Поворот“ (1997). Песня „Хрустальный город“ была включена звукорежиссером „Мосфильма“ В. Бабушкиным в сборник „В добрый час“ (1986).

В мае 1980 г. во время гастролей в г. Ленинграде группе поступило предложение со стороны звукорежиссеров ленинградского филиала „Мелодии“. В результате были записаны следующие 6 треков: „Кого ты хотел удивить?“, „Моим друзьям“, „Хрустальный город“, „Посвящение знакомому музыканту“, „Закрытые двери“, „Через 20 лет“.

В 1981 г. запись этих песен вместе с другими записями 1979—1980 гг. были скомпилированы А. Тропилло в отдельный альбом, названный „Москва-Ленинград“.

Андрей Тропилло об обстоятельствах и условиях записи:

Александр Кушнир об обстоятельствах и условиях записи:

На настоящий момент (2014) официального релиза альбома не было, однако песни «Закрытые двери», «Моим друзьям» и «Посвящение знакомому музыканту» в 1995 г. были включены группой в сборник «Кого ты хотел удивить?», а «Будет день», «20 лет», «В Никитском Ботаническом саду», «Кафе „Лира“», «Право», «Ах, что за луна» и «Три окна» — в «Неизданное. Том 2», сначала в составе Антологии из 18 дисков, а потом уже в цифровом варианте.

Автор всех песен, кроме отмеченных — А. Макаревич.

Seedsnipe

Attagis
Thinocorus

The seedsnipes are a small family, Thinocoridae, of small gregarious waders which have adapted to a herbivorous diet. The family is divided into two genera, Attagis and Thinocorus, each containing two species. The family has a South American distribution, in the Andean and Patagonian regions. The relationships with other families within the order Charadriiformes are uncertain, it has been suggested that the plains wanderer of Australia, the jacanas and the painted snipes are their closest relatives. The plains wanderer in particular has a similar feeding ecology, although differs markedly in breeding biology. The family’s common name is misleading, as they do not resemble true snipe, having short bills on small heads, and seeds do not form a major part of the diet.

They resemble grouse, quail and sandgrouse, only with long wings. The seedsnipes in the genus Thinocorus are smaller, ranging in size from a sparrow to a snipe, whereas the genus Attagis are larger, the size of a ptarmigan. They have short legs (but long toes) and tails. The colour of their plumage is generally cryptic. There is some sexual dimorphism in the plumage of the Thinocorus species, the males have grey faces, necks and breasts.

Seedsnipes inhabit a variety of harsh environments, including grasslands, grass steppes, semi-arid deserts and alpine habitats. The rufous-bellied seedsnipe ranges as far up as to the snowline (5500 m).

Their 2–3 eggs are laid in a shallow scrape on the ground.

Óengus of Tallaght

Óengus mac Óengobann, better known as Saint Óengus of Tallaght or Óengus the Culdee, was an Irish bishop, reformer and writer, who flourished in the first quarter of the 9th century and is held to be the author of the Félire Óengusso („Martyrology of Óengus“) and possibly the Martyrology of Tallaght.

Little of Óengus’s life and career is reliably attested. The most important sources include internal evidence from the Félire, a later Middle Irish preface to that work, a biographic poem beginning Aíbind suide sund amne („Delightful to sit here thus“) and the entry for his feast-day inserted into the Martyrology of Tallaght.

He was known as a son of Óengoba and grandson of Oíblén, who is mentioned in a later genealogy as belonging to the Dál nAraidi, a ruling kindred in the north-east of Ireland. A late account prefaced to the Martyrology asserts that Óengus was born in Clúain Édnech or Eidnech (Clonenagh, Co. Laois), not far from the present town of Mountrath, and brought up at the monastic school founded there by St Fintan, where also his body was buried. The claim may be spurious, since the Félire itself accords no such importance to the monastic foundation or its patron saint St Fintan.

It is sufficiently clear that Óengus became a cleric, since he describes himself as such in the Félire using the more humble appellation of „pauper“ (pauperán and deidblén in Old Irish). He was an important member of the community founded by St. Máel Ruain at Tallaght (now in South Dublin), in the borderlands of Leinster. Máel Ruain is described as his mentor (aite, also „fosterfather“). There are reasons for believing that Óengus was ordained to the office of bishop, a denomination which is first assigned to him in a list of saints inserted into the Martyrology of Tallaght (see below). If so, his influence may well have extended to the reformed communities which were associated with Tallaght, many of which were founded in Óengus’s lifetime. In fact, two such monasteries in Co. Limerick and Co. Laois, both of them known as Dísert Óengusa („Óengus’s Hermitage“), bear his memory in name.

The literary effort most commonly attributed to Óengus is the Old Irish work known as Félire Óengusso („Martyrology of Óengus“), which is the earliest metrical martyrology — a register of saints and their feast days – to have been written in the vernacular. The work survives in at least ten manuscripts, the earliest being Leabhar Breac of the early 15th century.

The martyrology proper consists of 365 quatrains for each day of the year and is framed between a lengthy prologue and epilogue. Later scribes added a prose preface, including material on Óengus, and accompanied the text with abundant glosses and scholia. Óengus’s principal source was the Martyrology of Tallaght, an abbreviated version in prose of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, but with a multitude of Irish saints added to their respective feastdays. Other sources are given in the epilogue as an „antigraph of Jerome, the martyrology of Eusebius“ and „Ireland’s host of books.“

The precise date of the original composition has proved difficult to ascertain. The usual method of determining a terminus post quem has been to argue from the careers of saints and kings referred to in the text, many of whom remain obscure. The terminus ante quem is a different game. In view of the selective nature of the Félire, arguments from silence have little to recommend it, at least in individual cases. What would have been instructive, the year of Óengus’s death, is unknown, but his education by Máel Ruain (d. 792) must at least mean that he did not outlive the 9th century.

The one thing that is usually accepted is that it was written no earlier than 797, when one of the rulers described in the prologue as having deceased, Donnchad mac Domnaill, king of Tara, died. Rudolf Thurneysen postulated a date before 808 on grounds that the reference to the death of Bran Ardchenn mac Muiredaig (d. probably 795), king of Leinster, should be attributed to political sympathies in the reign of his successor Fínsnechta mac Cellaig (d. 808).

Ó Riain, however, has rejected the traditional date (797 x 808) in favour of a later range, between 828 and 833, while more recently, Dumville has cast doubt on Ó Riain’s conclusions and dating methods. First, Ó Riain argues that such sympathies as Thurneysen refers to are pertinent only to the next kings in the royal line, Cellach mac Brain (r. 829–834) and Conchobar mac Donnchada (r. 819–833), sons of Bran and Donnchad respectively. Dumville objects that this political argument glosses over the probability that while Bran and Donnchad gave way to overlords from rival dynasties, they were nevertheless succeeded by members of their family in their own tuatha or mórthuatha. The inclusion of these kings in the prologue therefore offers no good reason to move up the terminus ante quem. Second, Ó Riain sees reason to identify the saints Airerán (11 August), Modímóc (10 December) and Flann (14 January) with Airfhinnán (d. 803), abbot of Tallaght, Dímmán of Araid (d. 811) and Flann mac Fairchellaig (d. 825), abbot of Lismore. Dumville, however, points out a number of weaknesses and concludes with Stokes „that no saint or other person who certainly died in the ninth century is mentioned.“ Third, having identified a number of saints in the Martyrology of Tallaght, the primary model for the Félire, he proposes obits extending to that of St Teimnén or St Temnán of Linn Duachaill, who died in 828. In Dumville’s view, the evidence is ambiguous, since the relationship of the extant copies of the Martyrology of Tallaght to the lost original which served as the source for the Félire is yet unclear.

Something of Óengus‘ view on secular politics appears to come through in his prologue to the Félire. In a number of stanzas, the deserted sites of Tara, Crúachan (also Crúachu) and Emain Machae are interpreted as the former sites of fortresses in which powerful rulers resided before the coming of Christianity. These pagan seats of power are contrasted with the great ecclesiastical centres of Ireland which were flourishing in Óengus‘ own time, such as Armagh and Clonmacnoise. According to the historian T.M. Charles-Edwards, Óengus was responding to the military domination of overlords of his day, commenting that worldly glory is transient, while spiritual power is enduring. To similar effect, Óengus also holds up the example of Máel Ruain, who continues to offer support and comfort after his death, against that of the contemporary warrior-kings Donnchadh and Bran Ardchenn, whose strong exercise of power meant no such thing after theirs.

It has been suggested that Óengus was actively involved in the compilation if not the composition of the augmented Martyrology of Tallaght. This was a work of Northumbrian provenance, probably from Lindisfarne, which first passed through Iona and Bangor, where Irish scribes began to make some additions. The manuscript (now lost) finally arrived in Tallaght, where it received the majority of its Irish additions. It was written by someone of Óengus’s learning and literary skill at Tallaght and there are strong indications that this was Óengus himself: first of all, the sources named by Óengus in the epilogue to the Félire (see above) would make more sense if these were the materials used for the Martyrology of Tallaght; second, a number of saints whom the same epilogue claims to have included are found in the Martyrology of Tallaght, but not in the actual Félire.

According to the Martyrology of Tallaght, Óengus’s feast-day, and hence the date of his death, is 11 March. The poem beginning Aíbind suide sund amne claims that he died on a Friday in Dísert Bethech („The Birchen Hermitage“). Together, these have produced a range of possible dates such as 819, 824 and 830, but pending the dates of the martyrologies, no conclusive answer can be offered. His metrical Life tells that he was buried in his birthplace Clonenagh.

Becoming a hermit, he lived for a time at Disert-beagh, where, on the banks of the Nore, he is said to have communed with the angels. From his love of prayer and solitude he was named the „Culdee“; in other words, the Ceile Dé, or „Servant of God.“ Not satisfied with his hermitage, which was only a mile from Clonenagh, and, therefore, liable to be disturbed by students or wayfarers, Óengus removed to a more solitary abode eight miles distant. This sequestered place, two miles southeast of the present town of Maryborough, was called after him „the Desert of Óengus“, or „Dysert-Enos“. Here he erected a little oratory on a gentle eminence among the Dysert Hills, now represented by a ruined and deserted Protestant church.

His earliest biographer in the ninth century relates the wonderful austerities practised by St. Óengus in his „desert“, and though he sought to be far from the haunts of men, his fame attracted a stream of visitors. The result was that the good saint abandoned his oratory at Dysert-Enos, and, after some wanderings, came to the monastery of Tallaght, near Dublin, then governed by St. Maelruain. He entered as a lay brother, concealing his identity, but St. Maelruain soon discovered him and collaborated with him on the Martyrology of Tallaght.

 This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Herbermann, Charles, ed. (1913). „St. Aengus (the Culdee)“. Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton. 

Patidar reservation agitation

Starting in July 2015, the people of India’s Patidar community, seeking Other Backward Class (OBC) status, held public demonstrations across the Indian state of Gujarat. The largest demonstration was held in Ahmedabad on 25 August and was attended by thousands. Later, there were incidents of violence and arson across the state, resulting in a curfew in several cities and towns. Properties and vehicles worth crores of rupees were damaged and destroyed. The state returned to normalcy by 28 August. Despite talks with the government, the agitation began again in September, and again turned violent on 19 September. The government announced a scheme which offered scholarships and subsidies to general category students on 24 September 2015 and a 10% quota of spaces reserved for economically backward classes in April 2016. The 10% reservation was quashed by the Gujarat High Court in August 2016.

In India, the Other Backward Castes (OBC) status invokes affirmative action which provides reserved quotas in education and government jobs. In Gujarat, 27% of the seats in government and education are reserved for OBC, 7.5% for Scheduled Castes and 15% for Scheduled Tribes for a total of 49.5% of all seats. The Supreme Court capped the reservation at 50% in their 1992 judgement in the Indra Sawhney case.

In 1981, the Government of Gujarat, headed by Indian National Congress (INC) chief minister Madhavsinh Solanki, introduced the reservation for socially and economically backward castes (SEBC) based on recommendations of the Bakshi Commission. It resulted in anti-reservation agitation across the state, which spilled over in riots that resulted in more than one hundred deaths. Solanki resigned in 1985 but later returned to power, winning 149 out of 182 assembly seats. He was supported by Kshatriya, Harijan, Adivasi and Muslims, collectively called KHAM. This caused other communities, including Patidars, to lose the political influence which later alienated the INC. According to estimates based on the last caste census in 1931, Patidars account for 15% of the population of the state. The SEBC (later the OBC) list initially comprised 81 communities, which by 2014 had expanded to 146 communities. In the 1980s the proportion of reserved seats was 10%; by 2014 it had increased to 27%.

The agitation took inspiration from the agitation by the Gujjar community in Rajasthan, which ended in May 2015.

In July 2015 Patidar youth, many of whom are surnamed Patel, started public demonstrations across Gujarat demanding Other Backward Class status for their community, which would entitle Patidars to a reserved quota of places in government jobs and education. They were supported by Sardar Patel Sevadal, an organisation for community service, and they formed the Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS) for this purpose, headed by Hardik Patel. The organisation described itself as apolitical. Four major Patidar organisations denied any involvement in the agitation, though later the Khodaldham Trust offered to mediate between the youth and the government.

The agitation started in Mehsana on 6 July 2015, and a demonstration was held in Mansa on 22 July. The demonstration in Visnagar on 23 July turned violent when some agitators torched some vehicles and vandalised the office of Bharatiya Janata Party MLA Rishikesh Patel. Demonstrations were held in Vijapur and Mehsana on 28 July. The police booked 152 persons for violating prohibitory orders by holding the demonstration. On 30 July there were demonstrations in Lunavada.

Social media helped to spread the protest quickly across the state. Demonstrations were held in Devbhoomi Dwarka district on 1 August; in Gandhinagar, Navsari, Jam Jodhpur in Jamnagar district, Himmatnagar and Bagasara in Amreli district on 3 August; in Rajkot on 5 August; in Amreli on 10 August; in Junagadh on 12 August; and in Petlad on 17 August. The demonstration in Surat on 17 August drew crowds estimated at 100,000 to 450,000 people. The diamond and textile markets of the city remained closed, as were several schools and colleges. Demonstrations were held in Surendranagar, Bharuch, Ankleshwar and Vadodara on 21 August. PAAS itself organised 37 rallies by 25 August. In 55 days, 149 rallies were organised by various organisations across the state.

The major demonstration, dubbed Kranti Rally and held in Ahmedabad on 25 August at the GMDC grounds, was attended by over 500,000. The members of community formed a procession and presented the memorandum of their demands to the District Collector. Hardik Patel, who led the rally, declared he would go on a hunger strike with others, demanding the Chief Minister personally be present there to receive the memorandum. He was arrested as he did not have permission to stay on the grounds after the rally, and later released. Those present on the grounds were dispersed by the police using force. An inquiry was ordered to investigate the reason behind the police’s use of force. Anandiben Patel and Rajanikant Patel, state leaders, both denied ordering or authorizing the police charge on the crowd.

Incidents of violence and clashes were reported in Ahmedabad and other parts of the state. At least six buses were torched by mobs in the city, including one at Bhuyangdev in Ghatlodiya and one at Krishnagar in Naroda. The police vehicles and local transport buses of AMTS and BRTS were set on fire. At least fifteen cases of clashes and arson were reported. The mob vandalised shops in the CTM area and the police fired eight teargas shells to disperse the mob. Buses and bus stops were attacked and vandalised. There were clashes between Rabari and Patels in Ghatlodiya, where at least ten persons were injured. A large mob tried to damage railway tracks near Ranip. Many vehicles were damaged. Attacks on police and media personnel were reported. Curfew was imposed in the city under Section 144. Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation suffered damage of 12 crore including torching of 33 buses of local transport. At least seven ward offices and civic centres were vandalized. Five companies of the Indian Army were deployed in the city to control the situation.

In Surat, the curfew was imposed from 25 August to 27 August in the city, starting in the Kapodara and Sarthana areas as the mob torched buses, two ATMs, van and damaged some properties. 120 people were arrested or detained in Surat. Violence was also reported in Vadodara. National Expressway 1 was blocked by agitators for hours. A total of 1554 bus trips were cancelled by the Vadodara division of GSRTC when six buses were damaged.

In Rajkot, BRTS bus stations were torched and stones thrown; damage to public and private property was estimated at 1.47 crore. The mob ransacked two offices of Union Minister of State for Agriculture and local MP Mohan Kundariya; police fired 10 rounds in air and lobbed 57 shells of teargas to disperse mobs. Twelve policemen were injured. The police filed 18 FIRs related to incidents. The curfew was imposed for 48 hours on 26 August.

Curfew was also imposed in parts of Mehsana district including Mehsana, Visnagar and Unjha after a mob stoned and torched the house of minister Rajni Patel, Home minister Nitin Patel, and BJP MLA Jayshree Patel. The district police lodged 25 FIRs and 13 cases in various cases of violence and rioting, and 36 persons were identified. At least 22 people were arrested in the cases; three of them were released on bail. The vandalism was also reported from Morbi and Amreli. The curfew was also imposed in Patan for two days.

3500 paramilitary force personnel and 93 companies of the state reserve police were deployed. Ten people died in the violence: five in Ahmedabad, a police constable in Surat, three in Banaskantha district, and one in Patan district. A youth died in police custody in Bapunagar, Ahmedabad. Across the state, 295 FIRs were filed and 650 people arrested. Schools and colleges across the state were kept closed from 26 August to 30 August. Internet service on mobile phones and certain broadband websites, like WhatsApp and Facebook, were blocked across the state for six days, 26–31 August. The internet block was continued in Ahmedabad and Surat. According to Western Railways, the tracks were damaged at eight places by mobs, resulting in cancellation of 51 trains. The operation of 26 trains were affected, while 15 trains were diverted out of the state. Nearly 140 buses of GSRTC, a state owned transport service, were torched by mobs across the state and 152 were damaged. About 340 police cases were registered across the state including 40 cases registered in Ahmedabad; 230 of these were registered on behalf of the government. The Police department suffered damage of 200 crore.

On 26 August, agitators called for a one-day statewide shutdown. The state returned to normalcy by 28 August. Hardik Patel declared the intention of expanding the agitation to the other states of India. As Hardik Patel received support from various Jat, Kurmi and Gujjar community organizations, he declared campaign for petitions to be sent to the Prime Minister. A rally was organised in Karamsad and in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh on 31 August.

According to PAAS, a total of 457 FIRs were filed against 1482 Patidars across Gujarat in the three days after the 25 August rally.

The internet block was lifted in Ahmedabad and Surat on 1 September. PAAS announced that they will organise a foot march on the reverse route, from Dandi to Ahmedabad, of Mahatma Gandhi’s historic Salt March in 1930. The heads of 33 village nearby Dandi opposed the march. The collector for Navsari district denied permission for the march. The march was rescheduled to 13 September but the government denied permission, and PAAS called the march off.

On 9 September SPG and PAAS formed a new organisation, Patel Navnirman Sena (PNS), for nationwide extension of the agitation, and on 14 September they held talks with the government of Gujarat. Hardik Patel met former Chief Minister Keshubhai Patel before the talks. Twenty Patidar representatives led by Hardik Patel and Lalji Patel attended the talks, which were chaired by the Chief Minister and attended by cabinet ministers. The issues discussed included the police action on 25 August, scholarship schemes for general category students, compensation to people died in violence, and release of arrested people. In a symbolic boycott, Patidars withdrew large amounts of cash from Kherol and Vadrad branches of Sabarkantha District Central Cooperative Bank of Sabarkantha district.

Hardik Patel announced that they would organise rallies in Madhya Pradesh and Bihar in October 2015, a month before the Bihar state legislative assembly election .

On 19 September police detained Hardik Patel and 35 of his supporters from the Varachha area of Surat for trying to hold the Ekta Yatra (Unity March) rally without receiving prior permission from authorities. They were booked under section 188 of the IPC for defying police notification, and two FIRs were filed against them. They were released on bail later. There were some incidents of protests, arson, property damage and road blocks in several cities and towns, including Ahmedabad, Surat, Rajkot, Vadodara, Morbi, Navsari, Botad, Visnagar, Mehsana and Jamnagar. A Patidar mob clashed with a Rabari community in the Rabari Colony area of Ahmedabad. In Surat and Morbi, two GSRTC buses were damaged. In several places police used teargas and caning to disperse mobs. The internet on mobile phones, social media and SMS service was blocked again for 24 hours in several parts of the state, including Ahmedabad, Gandhinagar, Surat, Vadodara and Rajkot. Twelve companies each of the BSF and RAF were deployed to control the violence.

On 19 September, police in Mehsana arrested 35 protesters and lodged a complaint against them. On 22 September at least 20 Patidar leaders were arrested and FIR filed against them when they held a meeting without police permission in Tenpur village of Bayad Taluka, Aravalli district. Hardik Patel briefly disappeared from the meeting and appeared the next day. The High Court termed the disappearance as a ‚publicity stunt‘ and warned about contempt of court. On 23 September PAAS leader Nilesh Advadiya was booked under sedition charges.

On 24 September, Gujarat Chief Minister announced the Mukhyamantri Yuva Swavlamban Yojna (Chief Minister’s Youth Self-Reliance Scheme), a scheme for offering scholarships and subsidies to general category students in higher education, and uniforms and free books in school education. In higher education, the scheme is offered to students in the 90th percentile or higher in the board examinations and to students whose parents earn less than 4.5 lakh per year. She also offered age relaxation of five years in government jobs. The government also announced its intention to increase intake in medical and technical education, and infrastructure like hostels and coaching institutes. The scheme is expected to cost the exchequer 1,000 crore per year. The Patidar community in the US initially planned to hold large protests in New York during the visit of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, but later called them off, except for some people who protested at United Nations headquarters and in California. Hardik Patel called the scheme as a „lollipop“ and said it does not meet their demands, and launched a „lollipop movement“ in which lollipops were distributed to community members across the state.

On 26 September activist Umesh Patel from Rajkot committed suicide in support of the agitation; the state Government ordered the inquiry in the case. The Sardar Patel Seva Charitable Trust, a Patidar doctors‘ group from Gujarat and abroad, announced financial help of Rs 1 crore to kin of each person who died in the agitation. Umiya Mata Sansthan, a major organization of the community, announced their support to the agitation on 28 September. Nine protestors arrested in Himatnagar for holding protest fasts on 4 September were later released on bail.

On 1 October the Indian National Congress Party announced its support for the agitation. Hardik Patel addressed peasants and farmers at Maha Kisan Panchayat. More people were arrested in cases related to the riots, and two policemen were suspended in the case of custodial death of a youth on 25 August. Some Patidar community members protested the presence of politicians at Garba venues during the Navratri festival in October. They also protested at functions attended by politicians. In many places across the state women of the Patidar community clanked of belans (rolling pins) against thalis (steel plates) as a sign of protest.

PAAS convener Hardik Patel threatened to stage a protest at the Saurashtra Cricket Association Stadium and to block the way of cricket players at the third one-day international cricket match between India and South Africa in Rajkot on 18 October 2015. More than 8000 police personnel were deployed in the city, while 2500 police and 500 private security personnel were deployed in the stadium. Internet services were blocked from the night of 17 October to the morning of 19 October. Hardik Patel was arrested along with six others on the day. There were protests against Hardik’s detention in Surat and Bardoli, and a GSRTC bus was set on fire in Morbi; four people were arrested from Morbi and one from Tankara for attacking the bus. There were rallies in protest of the arrests.

Hardik Patel and five other PAAS leaders were booked by Ahmedabad police under Indian Penal Code Sections 121 (waging war against the government), 121A (using criminal force against the government), 124 (sedition), 153-A (promoting enmity between different communities), 120B (conspiracy) and 153-B (assertions prejudicial to national integrity). Surat police booked Hardik Patel under sedition charges for telling a youth to kill policemen instead of committing suicide. Gujarat High Court refused to quash cases of sedition against Hardik Patel on 27 October.

Local civic elections were held across Gujarat in November 2015. Several Patidar leaders urged voting against ruling BJP candidates and supporting INC candidates.

On 26 November people cast their votes for six municipal corporations, and on 29 November for 31 district panchayats, 230 taluka panchayats and 56 municipalities. The six municipal corporations registered 45% voter turnout while the others registered over 60%. The results of local civil elections were declared on 2 December 2015. BJP retained all six municipal corporations while INC won 23 of 31 district panchayats and 113 of 193 taluka panchayats. BJP continued to hold on to most municipalities or town councils, winning 42 of 56 municipalities. In brief, then, BJP’s performance in rural areas was poorer than in the last election, while INC’s improved.

The legal cases continued and Hardik Patel was denied bail several times. PAAS organised a 33-day-long Ekta Yatra (Unity March) across eleven districts of Saurastra, starting from Sidsar, Jamnagar and culminating in Kagvad. The SPG demanded a reservation under the EBC (Economically Backward Class) quota to avoid confrontation with OBCs.

During the budget session of the Gujarat Legislative Assembly, 55 INC MLAs were suspended by the speaker when they raised slogans in support of the agitation and hurled lollipops toward the treasury benches and the chief minister.

After the Jat reservation agitation, the government of Haryana accepted the demand of the Jat community for reservations, prompting another round of agitation. The seven-member committee headed by Nitin Patel failed to reach a compromise, and Vitthal Radadiya, a BJP MP, held a second round of negotiation. A new organisation, Patidar Sangh, was also formed, based in Surat and consisting of people from the diamond industry. They announced grants of 3 lakh to the kin of each of the twelve Patidars who died in the agitation. They also organized symbolic fasts in support of the release of Patidar leaders from jail. PAAS and SPG presented their demands. Hardik Patel and other Patidar leaders continue to face legal charges and are in jail. Patidars started „Jail Bharo Andolan“ (Fill The Jails Agitation) for their release on 17 April 2016. Permission to hold the protest was refused, and the district administration issued prohibitory orders under section 144, but the protestors defied the order. The agitation turned violent as protestors clashed with police in Mehsana. Around 25 protestors, five policemen and two officials were injured in the clashes. Curfew was imposed in Mehsana. Mobile internet service was suspended in Ahmedabad, Mehsana, Surat and Rajkot. Four companies of the Rapid Action Force were deployed in the affected cities, and ten companies of the CRPF (Central Reserve Police Force) were requested from the central government. There were some arrests. There were also clashes in the Varachha area of Surat. Patidar leaders called for a statewide Bandh (strike). One Patidar leader committed suicide in Surat.

The Government of Gujarat announced a 10% reservation for Economically Backward Classes (EBC) among the upper castes in educational institutions and jobs. (But see below.) (The EBC are people whose income is below 6 Lakh per year.)

On 15 July 2016, Hardik Patel was granted bail on condition that he stay out of the state for six months and out of Mehsana for nine months. On 29 July, the Government of Gujarat announced that they will withdraw 391 of 438 cases filed against Patidar community members. The state Chief Minister Anandiben Patel resigned, citing her age, but the media speculated that the handling of agitation was one of her reasons. On 4 August, the Gujarat High Court quashed the 10% EBC reservation, citing it as unconstitutional and in violation of guidelines of the Supreme Court. The government challenged the order in the Supreme Court on 9 August. Other leaders of PAAS accused Hardik Patel of spending the community’s money on furthering his personal interests.

Some Patidar leaders and organisations criticised Hardik Patel, his tactics and his organisation PAAS. More than 1000 Patels held a meeting in Edison, New Jersey, in the US, to extend their support to agitation led by SPG.

Leaders of several other Gujarat communities, including the Brahmin, Thakore, Vaishnava, Rajput, Sindhi, Kansara, Soni and Raghuvanshi communities, also started agitation for reservation along similar lines. The Jat community of Uttar Pradesh and Haryana announced that they would start agitation in the same manner beginning in September 2015, although their demand for reservation goes back around two decades.

Other community organisations, such as Gujjar Vikas Parishad, Kurmi-Kshatriya Mahasabha, Anjana-Chaudhari Samaj, and Rashtriya Gujjar Manch, also extended their support to the agitation.

The leaders of the communities already having OBC status opposed the agitation. OBC Ekta Manch along with Gujarat Kshatriy Thakor Sena held a counter-protest attended by thousands on 23 August in Ahmedabad and Rajkot. OBC Ekta Manch also requested permission to hold a counter-protest Pratikar Rally, on 19 September, but the authorities denied permission, citing the law and order situation.

On 14 September the Andhra Pradesh based organisation Agra Kula Ikya Vedika, a forum of upper castes, with representatives from Brahmin, Khatriya, Vysya, Kamma, Reddy, Velama, and Kapu communities, met in Vijaywada and demanded that the reservation be based on economic status instead of caste and religion. They also asked the Central government to constitute a committee headed by a Supreme Court judge to study the issue.

On 11 August 2015 the Chief Minister of Gujarat, Anandiben Patel, formed a seven-member panel to interact with the community and submit a report to the government. The panel, headed by Nitinbhai Patel, also included Ramanlal Vora, Bhupendrasinh Chudasama, Babubhai Bokhiria, Vasuben Trivedi, Nanubhai Vanani, and Rajni Patel. On 17 August the panel held talks with community organisations, including SPG. The PAAS did not participate in the talks. On 21 and 23 August the government published a full-length advertisement in leading Gujarati newspapers arguing legal and constitutional limitations. The chief minister expressed her inability to include Patidar in the OBC category, citing constitutional limitations, and urged the agitators to negotiate; they rejected the call. After violence following the 25 August rally in Ahmedabad, she expressed regret and ordered an inquiry, and called for peace and order in the state. The panel submitted its report on 9 September, and a second talk was held on 14 September. On 17 September she again urged an end to the agitation to avoid class conflict in the state. On 19 September she again met with the cabinet when violence broke out for a second time. On 25 September she announced the Mukhya Mantri Yuva Swalamban Scheme for general category students, which is expected to cost the exchequer 1,000 crore per year.

On 26 August Prime Minister Narendra Modi appealed for peace and resolution through dialogue.

During the Monsoon session of the Gujarat Legislative Assembly, which started on 26 August, the opposition Indian National Congress party (INC) demanded a probe into police atrocities following the 25 August rally. The Speaker suspended the assembly three times, and suspended all INC MLAs except opposition leader Shankersinh Vaghela for a day. Vaghela said that before reviewing the reservation policy, the BJP must ensure that the grounds on which reservation was offered did not exist. On 1 October Gurudas Kamat, General Secretary of the INC, announced its support for the agitation and demanded nationwide reservation for 15-20% population from the economically weaker section (EWS) of society.

The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and opposition INC leaders assessed the impact of the agitation on upcoming local elections in 2015.

Nalin Kotdiya, BJP MLA of Dhari, and Sabarkantha MP Dipsinh Rathod declared their support for the agitation. Nalin Kotdiya later also urged voters to vote for INC in the October 2015 elections. Former Chief Minister of Gujarat Madhavsinh Solanki said that the agitation would not last long. Former Chief Minister Keshubhai Patel expressed his support if the agitation is nonviolent.

Some media reported Nitish Kumar, Chief Minister of Bihar, as expressing solidarity with the agitation, but he later denied it. Sharad Yadav advised dismissing the agitators‘ demands, calling them unjustified, and said that the reason behind the agitation is a lack of job opportunities. INC MP Rahul Gandhi blamed the Modi government and called the agitation a repercussion of the „politics of anger“. On 28 August six corporators of Padra resigned in support of agitation. The Aam Aadmi Party released a statement criticizing police action against agitators and destruction of public property by agitators. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) condemned violence and police action. Biju Janata Dal MP Baijayant Panda said the angst of the Patidar community is justified by the scarcity of jobs across the nation.

Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh chief Mohan Bhagwat suggested a review of the effectiveness of reservations. In an interview in the RSS’s periodical Sadhna, national spokesperson Manmohan Vaidya said that he supports the reservation given to SC and ST based on historical injustice, but criticised Hardik Patel for his speech and divisive tactics.

The Government of Gujarat passed two ordinances to postpone election of local governing bodies whose five-year terms end in October–November 2015. These local governing bodies include 253 municipalities, 208 taluka panchayats, 26 district panchayats and six municipal corporations. The Gujarat High Court later quashed the ordinances.

Following violence on 25 August, the Gujarat High Court issued notices to police and Government of Gujarat to conduct a probe and submit a report regarding involvement of police in property damage and atrocities. In case of custodial death of youth in Ahmedabad, the court ordered state Crime Investigation Department (CID) probe. PIL seeking investigation by judicial commission in role of Patidar leaders in violence was filed in the court. The High Court ordered the state government to pay 4 lakh as compensation to the kin of people died in the violence, 2 lakh to the person who suffered disability over 65% and 10,000 to person who was injured in police atrocity. The public interest litigation was filed in the High Court which demands prohibition on blanket ban on internet services as happened in the end of August 2015. Later the court upheld the decision of government in banning the internet. The Gujarat High Court also ordered filing FIR in cases of excesses on part of the police on 16 September. The court also heard cases on various Patidar leaders in October 2015.

Gujarat High Court quashed the ordinances postponing local body elections citing them as unconstitutional and directed the State Election Commission to hold the elections by 25 December.

When the petitions were filed against 10% EBC reservation, it was quashed by the Gujarat High Court in August 2016 citing it as unconstitutional. The government moved to the Supreme Court challenging the order.

The agitation sparked debates on reservations, the caste system, caste politics, the vote bank, the increased cost of education and insufficient job opportunities for youth across Gujarat and across India in general. Power of Patidar, a film about the agitation, was denied clearance by the Central Board of Film Certification.

The agitation impacted local civic elections held across Gujarat in November 2015. The BJP performed poorly in rural regions, while the INC improved its performance there. The upcoming Gujarat legislative assembly election in December 2017 may also be influenced by the agitation.

Malate dehydrogenase 2

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Malate dehydrogenase, mitochondrial also known as malate dehydrogenase 2 is an enzyme that in humans is encoded by the MDH2 gene.

Malate dehydrogenase catalyzes the reversible oxidation of malate to oxaloacetate, utilizing the NAD/NADH cofactor system in the citric acid cycle. The protein encoded by this gene is localized to the mitochondria and may play pivotal roles in the malate-aspartate shuttle that operates in the metabolic coordination between cytosol and mitochondria.

The protein encoded by MDH2 exists as a dimer, which indicate the important connection between protein stability and enzymatic activity. Each subunit contains two structurally and functionally distinct domains. The first is the NAD-binding domain, which exists in the amino-terminal half of each molecule, and contains a parallel-sheet structure, otherwise known as a Rosman fold motif. The core dinucleotide binding structure is composed of four beta-sheets and one alpha-helix. The other domain is a carboxy-terminal domain that contains the substrate binding site and amino acids that are necessary for catalysis. The active site of these enzymes is in a cleft between two domains. Crystallography reveals the dimer interface, which consists mainly of interacting alpha-helices that form a compact interaction. The active sites in these dimeric proteins are well separated from each other.

Because malate dehydrogenase is closely tied to the citric acid cycle, regulation is highly dependent on TCA products. Citrate also affects MDH activity by very complex manner. It inhibits the reduction of oxaloacetate under all conditions. Citrate also inhibits malate oxidation, but only at low malate or NAD concentrations. When both malate and NAD concentrations are high (10 mmol/l and 5 mmol/l, respectively), citrate can actually sugment MDH2 activity. All three effectors (malate, oxaloacetate and citrate) bind to the same putative allosteric site. Recent studies of mitochondrial malate dehydrogenase are focused into the nature of the inactivation processes. The oligomeric structure of MDH2 has a variety of biological implications. Some researches have suggested that the dimeric structure is critical for enzymatic activity. It was first proposed that the reciprocating compulsory ordered mechanism where each subunit alternates as the active and the helper subunit, but both are needed for activity. This mechanism predicts an inactive monomer, and was corroborated by studies that showed a dramatic reduction of enzymatic activity. Studies with mitochondrial MDH2 have shown that this enzyme is allosterically regulated as a complex as well. Binding experiments indicate that mitochondrial aspartate aminotransferase can associate with the alpha-ketoglutarate dehydrogenase complex and that mitochondrial malate dehydrogenase can associate with this binary complex to form a ternary complex. Formation of this ternary complex enables low levels of the alpha-ketoglutarate dehydrogenase complex, in the presence of the aminotransferase, to reverse inhibition of malate oxidation by glutamate. Thus, glutamate can react with the aminotransferase in this complex without glutamate inhibiting production of oxalacetate by the malate dehydrogenase in the complex. The conversion of glutamate to alpha-ketoglutarate could also be facilitated because in the trienzyme complex, oxalacetate might be directly transferred from malate dehydrogenase to the aminotransferase. In addition, association of malate dehydrogenase with these other two enzymes enhances malate dehydrogenase activity due to a marked decrease in the Km of malate. The potential ability of the aminotransferase to transfer directly alpha-ketoglutarate to the alpha-ketoglutarate dehydrogenase complex in this multienzyme system plus the ability of succinyl-CoA, a product of this transfer, to inhibit citrate synthase could play a role in preventing alpha-ketoglutarate and citrate from accumulating in high levels. This would maintain the catalytic activity of the multienzyme system because alpha-ketoglutarate and citrate allosterically inhibit malate dehydrogenase and dissociate this enzyme from the multienzyme system.

Mutations in the MDH2 gene have been associated with several cancers, including uterine cancer, prostate cancer, pheochromocytoma and other paragangliomas. In particular, MDH2 has been found to be overexpressed in doxorubicin-resistant uterine cancer cells and may contribute to drug resistance. Since MDH2 plays a major role in malate-aspartate shuttling in ATP production, its overexpression likely supplies additional energy for P-glycoprotein to pump chemotherapeutic drugs out of the cells. Likewise, MDH2 contributes to docetaxel resistance in prostate cancer cells via the JNK pathway, and its knockdown reduced ATP levels as well as increased drug sensitivity.Thus, MDH2 may be an effective therapeutic target to enhance drug treatments for cancer.

1mld: REFINED STRUCTURE OF MITOCHONDRIAL MALATE DEHYDROGENASE FROM PORCINE HEART AND THE CONSENSUS STRUCTURE FOR DICARBOXYLIC ACID OXIDOREDUCTASES

2dfd: Crystal Structure of Human Malate Dehydrogenase Type 2

Mike Hawthorn

Mike Hawthorn au volant de sa Ferrari lors du Grand Prix d’Argentine 1958

John Michael Hawthorn (né le à Mexborough, dans le Yorkshire, en Angleterre – mort le dans un accident de la route à Guildford) est un pilote automobile anglais. Célèbre pour le nœud papillon qu’il arborait en compétition, il est devenu en 1958 au volant d’une Ferrari le premier pilote britannique à remporter un titre de champion du monde de Formule 1. Il est également connu pour son implication controversée dans le drame des 24 Heures du Mans 1955, course qu’il remporta sur une Jaguar.

Mike Hawthorn quitte les études à l’âge de 17 ans pour se lancer dans la compétition. Il ne fait que suivre l’exemple de son père Leslie, passionné de sport mécanique et qui lui-même courut à un niveau amateur des compétitions motocyclistes. Avec l’argent économisé grâce à son emploi de mécanicien dans un garage de Guildford, il achète en 1947 une moto qu’il engage avec succès dans des épreuves de trial. Avec l’aide de son père, il passe rapidement à l’automobile et accède en 1951 à des compétitions de Formule 2 au volant d’une Cooper Bristol, alors qu’il est imbattable durant la saison sur Riley TT Sprite en Grand-Bretagne sur voitures de sport. En 1952, il participe également à plusieurs épreuves du championnat du monde des pilotes, qui se dispute cette année-là sous la règlementation Formule 2 et non Formule 1. Plusieurs exploits du jeune Britannique (3e du Grand Prix de Grande-Bretagne, 4e en Belgique et aux Pays-Bas) attirent l’œil des écuries les plus prestigieuses. C’est tout d’abord Jaguar qui lui propose un volant dans son équipe d’endurance puis la Scuderia Ferrari qui lui offre une place en championnat du monde. Hawthorn décide de prendre le chemin de l’Italie, devenant le premier pilote de son pays depuis Richard Seaman dans les années 1930 à rejoindre une écurie officielle en Grand Prix.

La saison 1953 est dominée par Ferrari, mais le jeune Hawthorn subit le plus souvent la loi de son coéquipier, le champion en titre Alberto Ascari. Il s’avère néanmoins un précieux coéquipier face à la montée en puissance de l’armada Maserati emmenée par l’Argentin Juan Manuel Fangio. L’affrontement Ferrari-Maserati culmine à Reims, à l’occasion du Grand Prix de France, présentée par les journalistes de l’époque comme « la course du siècle ». Pour une fois, Ascari faillit dans son rôle de leader de la Scuderia, ce qui semble ouvrir la porte au premier succès d’une Maserati, avec Fangio au volant. Mais Hawthorn se montre à la hauteur de l’événement et au prix d’une manœuvre audacieuse, souffle la victoire au Maestro argentin dans le tout dernier virage de la course. Avec deux autres podiums durant l’année, il se classe à la quatrième place du championnat du monde. Devenu le leader de la Scuderia à la suite du départ d’Ascari chez Lancia, il réalise une saison 1954 de qualité et décroche un deuxième succès en Grand Prix, cette fois en Espagne, mais est globalement impuissant sur l’ensemble de l’année face aux irrésistibles « Flèches d’Argent » Mercedes. Il termine troisième (juste derrière son coéquipier José Froilán González) de ce championnat dominé par Fangio.

Réussie d’un point de vue sportif, son année 1954 aura par contre été douloureuse d’un point de vue personnel. Mike a tout d’abord le malheur de perdre son père, tué dans un accident de la route. Il est ensuite la cible d’une violente campagne médiatique orchestrée par les tabloïds de son pays qui lui reprochent de ne pas avoir rempli ses obligations militaires (Hawthorn avait été réformé en raison d’une insuffisance rénale chronique) et de préférer se couvrir de gloire en faisant gagner des voitures étrangères plutôt que défendre sa patrie. Pour des raisons essentiellement personnelles (notamment la gestion du garage familial) Hawthorn décide donc de ne pas renouveler son contrat avec Ferrari et de revenir en Angleterre pour la saison 1955. Si ce choix le condamne à faire de la figuration en Formule 1 puisqu’il ne trouve pas mieux que la modeste écurie Vanwall pour l’accueillir, il lui permet d’intégrer enfin la puissante équipe Jaguar en endurance, où il remplace Stirling Moss parti chez Mercedes.

Pour Hawthorn comme pour Jaguar, le grand rendez-vous de l’année est prévu aux 24 Heures du Mans, où est attendu un affrontement au sommet entre les armadas Jaguar, Ferrari et Mercedes. Après un feu de paille de la Ferrari de l’équipage Castellotti-Marzotto, le début de course est marqué par le duel au sommet que se livrent Juan Manuel Fangio (Mercedes) et Mike Hawthorn. Chose rare dans une épreuve d’endurance, les deux hommes se battent sur un rythme de Grand Prix, refusant de concéder le moindre dixième de seconde. À l’issue du 35e tour, il est prévu chez Jaguar d’arrêter Hawthorn pour un ravitaillement. Cela n’empêche pas le pilote britannique, qui a quelques longueurs d’avance sur Fangio, de poursuivre sur un rythme élevé. Avant de rentrer aux stands, il prend un tour à la Mercedes du Français Pierre Levegh, puis dépasse l’Austin-Healey (une voiture d’une catégorie inférieure) de son compatriote Lance Macklin avant de freiner brutalement et d’obliquer sur sa droite vers l’allée des stands, déclenchant involontairement l’horreur derrière lui. Surpris par la manœuvre d’Hawthorn, Macklin doit faire un écart à gauche pour l’éviter, ce que n’a pas anticipé Levegh qui arrive juste derrière lui. Levegh a juste le temps de lever le bras pour avertir Fangio mais décolle sur l’Austin. La Mercedes percute le muret séparant la piste des tribunes et se disloque sous l’impact. Plusieurs éléments, dont le moteur et le train avant, sont catapultés dans les tribunes, tuant plus de 80 personnes. Levegh est tué sur le coup tandis que trois personnes dont un gendarme sont fauchés par la voiture en perdition de Macklin (qui, à la suite d’un dérapage en travers de la piste, précède celle d’Hawthorn dans les stands). Hawthorn, témoin de la catastrophe qui se déroule devant lui, rate son stand devant lequel la voiture de Lance Macklin vient de rebondir, traverse la zone de ravitaillement et repart pour un tour.

La course poursuite entre la Mercedes de l’équipage Moss-Fangio (lequel est miraculeusement parvenu à passer au travers du chaos) et la Jaguar de l’équipage Hawthorn-Bueb continue jusqu’à ce que durant la nuit, la direction de Mercedes à Stuttgart ordonne le retrait des deux Flèches d’Argent encore en course, dont celle de Moss-Fangio, alors en tête. Sans rivaux, Hawthorn et Bueb remportent la course. Face à un drame d’une telle ampleur, les médias et l’opinion publique s’empressent de rechercher des responsabilités. Pour sa manœuvre de rentrée aux stands, Hawthorn est pointé du doigt, d’autant plus que des témoins du drame l’accusent, mais l’enquête officielle le mettra hors de cause, concluant à un fait de course.

Ce drame a fait l’objet d’un volet de l’émission Mystères d’archives et d’une émission intitulée 24 Heures du Mans 1955 : la course de la mort sur la chaîne de télévision franco-allemande Arte.

Comme prévu, sa saison de F1 tourne au fiasco. La Vanwall s’avère peu compétitive et au bout de quelques laborieuses participations, Hawthorn parvient à casser son contrat d’un commun accord avec son employeur. Il reçoit une offre de Lancia pour remplacer Alberto Ascari qui s’est tué, mais les soucis financiers de l’équipe italienne ne permettent pas à l’accord de se concrétiser. Ayant conservé d’excellents rapports avec Enzo Ferrari, c’est donc au sein de la Scuderia qu’il termine la saison, mais sans résultats notables, l’écurie au cheval cabré traversant elle aussi une grave crise financière.

Toujours attaché à l’idée de rester en Angleterre, il se laisse tenter en 1956 par le très patriotique projet British Racing Motors, un constructeur dont le projet est de fédérer les compétences de tout ce que le Royaume-Uni compte comme spécialistes de sport automobile. Ironiquement, ce n’est pas sur la BRM (un fiasco) qu’il obtient son meilleur résultat, mais sur la Maserati engagée par son équipe en début d’année en Argentine et avec laquelle il décroche son seul podium de l’année.

En 1957, il rejoint pour la troisième fois la Scuderia Ferrari. Ce retour au sein de l’écurie championne du monde en titre (avec Fangio, qui est parti durant l’hiver) s’avère plus compliqué que prévu, justement parce que Fangio, parti chez Maserati, domine les débats de toute sa classe. L’impuissance de Hawthorn à son égard culmine à l’occasion du Grand Prix d’Allemagne, lorsque pourtant forts d’une avance de plus de 35 secondes à la mi-course, Hawthorn et son coéquipier Peter Collins se font mystifier par le vétéran argentin.

En 1958, à la suite de la semi-retraite de Fangio, Ferrari a enfin la voie libre. Régulier à défaut d’être particulièrement brillant (une seule victoire, au Grand Prix de France, où dans un geste chevaleresque, il refuse d’infliger un tour de retard à Fangio qui dispute la dernière course de sa carrière), Mike Hawthorn prend la tête du championnat à mi-saison et s’impose finalement d’un point devant son compatriote Stirling Moss. Les observateurs ne manquent pas de faire remarquer que Hawthorn, largement dominé par Moss lors de l’épreuve décisive à Casablanca ne doit son salut qu’aux consignes d’équipe et à la discipline de son nouvel équipier, l’Américain Phil Hill, lequel céda à l’Anglais sa deuxième place en fin de course. Dans les jours qui suivent, le néo-champion du monde crée la surprise en annonçant qu’il met un terme à sa carrière. Très éprouvé par les accidents mortels en cours d’année de ses équipiers Luigi Musso et Peter Collins (lequel était un ami proche) ainsi que par celui de Stuart Lewis-Evans, il explique ne plus éprouver de plaisir à être un pilote de course. Selon le témoignage de proches, s’y ajoute également la détérioration de son état de santé due à son insuffisance rénale.

Hawthorn ne profite pas longtemps de sa retraite puisque le 22 janvier 1959, sur une route de campagne humide, il perd le contrôle de sa puissante Jaguar et heurte une camionnette, avant de s’encastrer dans un arbre. Grièvement blessé à la tête, il meurt avant l’arrivée des secours. Les circonstances de cet accident n’ont jamais été totalement élucidées, si ce n’est que l’on sait qu’il avait rencontré son ami Robert Walker (propriétaire d’une écurie de Formule 1) et avait improvisé une course avec la Mercedes 300SL de ce dernier. On parlera d’un accélérateur bloqué, d’une monte pneumatique inadaptée à une route mouillée, mais également d’un possible malaise d’Hawthorn, lié à son insuffisance rénale.

Voitures de sport: